Thursday, April 14, 2016

40 Scientific excellence and the forest service. Modernizing the Indian Forest Service-IV.

Mixing science with practice on the job

It must be stated upfront that serving forest officers and officials cannot be expected to build careers as forest scientists, because that would be a full-time undertaking which may not be feasible along with the demands of the regular job. They can, perhaps, bring to bear a scientific approach to forestry, but this will probably be conditioned by their background which will be, by and large, in the physical and biological sciences, rather than the humanities. 

There are, of course, individuals who have come from the Forestry and Agriculture colleges who may have a deeper idea of the  applications of disciplines like genetics, physiology, soil science, etc. to their new profession, and many do go through specialized courses in the Wildlife Institute during the early part of their careers. Some do consciously go out and take up social science courses, especially forest economics  (which used to be the only subject offered to foresters in the Commonwealth Scholarships). 

Because these Commonwealth courses (MSc or PhD) are pursued in either UK or Canada, it becomes difficult for many of them to undertake very deep field studies in India. Sociology and Political Science may have been taken up by some for their Civil Services exams (IAS, IPS and Central Services), and Public Policy is a favourite of those taking up post-graduate courses in the Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs). Each of these categories will have slightly different possibilities, different needs and will require a different strategy to develop them into forest scientists.

Later in their careers, those foresters who have PhD or higher diplomas in specialized fields like economics or genetics do get involved in technical jobs that may call for using their specialized knowledge and training. But this is not a planned strategy or a predictable eventuality; it is often a matter of chance. Most of the time, individual members of the service are sent to positions that are vacant at a particular point in time. At the initial stages, there is a sense that they should be posted to the field, which is the forest divisions; but because these are coveted posts, young entrants to the cadre used to find themselves in relatively off-stream positions like working plans, silvicultural research, forest corporations, or other special duty positions. In theory, it might appear that their science background could be particularly appropriate in such positions; and no doubt some especially capable officers do take advantage of these positions to initiate research projects and collect basic data. However, the nature of the department does not allow much leeway in exercising one’s own initiative in choosing things to investigate, so certain qualifications may become irrelevant in the particular situation: a wildlife degree doesn’t  get much use in, say, the genetics wing, and so on. Since forest officers have to be ready to take up all sorts of fresh disciplines at short notice, they develop the art of picking up the baton and running along the laid-down paths. Individual research projects, such as would result in highly original contributions, are generally put on the back burner, and usually forgotten after a few years of rattling around the department jobs.

Making scientists of foresters

There are a couple of reasons why mainstream academics think so little of foresters as scientists. One is that the studies the foresters may take up, and the papers they may write, are of a highly applied nature: the response of seedlings to fertilizers, the growth of plantations, the relative performance of different species or varieties, timber properties of different species, and so on. Examples of some of the best in-house research of this type in my experience: the trials carried out by the research wing of Mysore Paper Mills (Karnataka) on varieties and provenances of pulpwood species; the genetic improvement work done at the Institute of Forest Genetics, Coimbatore (an ICFRE Institute); the clonal propagation and farm forestry developed by industries like ITC (Bhadrachalam, Andhra Pradesh), WIMCO (in northwestern India, the same area that had been adjudged a failure by Saxena 1994 on the basis of his PhD thesis), and others. But basic ecology of forests, succession, effect of climate change, and such ‘interesting’ fields are not very successful, although the Forest Research Institute (FRI), Dehradun did have a number of long-term ‘preservation plots’ all over the country to monitor growth and mortality of tree species. Such basic research is very long-term and painstaking, so that even mainstream academic departments have found it difficult to make much of a mark in them; even the Centre for Ecological Sciences (CES), at the prestigious Indian Institute of Science (IISc) Bangalore, is better known for Professor Gadgil’s polemical work on forest history and policy, especially the books written in collaboration with Ramachandra Guha, rather than ecological succession or regeneration studies (as would be expected from its name). From the forest service’s viewpoint, moreover, it was mainly the hostility to the forest department that characterized the work of Gadgil and other leading ecologists, and thus made this of limited utility in the application of science to field forestry (see Guha, 2006, for an interesting account of the ecological critique; and Shyamsunder and Parameshwarappa, 2014, for the forester’s account of these battles).

The difference between academics in institutes, and government employees, is that the former can freely express opinions even critical of the government, whereas the latter (forest service members or scientists) cannot do so by the dictates of their service rules. However, what the latter lose in freedom, they gain in access to field situations, because they are (at least in principle) supported by the administrative network in the field. Most academics, on the other hand, do not go back to the field after the first intense effort during their own Ph.D. projects; subsequently, they tend to re-process and circulate the material collected from that initial experience, and any fresh field information comes in mainly from their own Ph.D. students (if they are lucky and competent enough to become research guides), or of course from secondary sources like departmental reports, working plans, etc.

This leaves many academics out-of-date with recent developments in the field (especially where forestry is concerned, as not much information comes into the public media), and moreover leads to incessant repetition of the same old statements, which makes the department indifferent to their advice. What is more, the conclusions they have drawn from that first research project, based usually on a small sample or a singular situation, is extended willy-nilly to the whole country, supported by information from old documents or stray encounters on the roadside (anecdotal information). In effect, they are known for their polemical, critical, policy-oriented, expansive works rather than narrowly ‘scientific’ ones. The problem with this genre, and generally with the social sciences is, unfortunately, that almost anything can be written and it will prove right some of the time (but usually mistaken in the long run, like the body of communist literature).

Because of the restricted scope and weak popular interest in most of the foresters’ work, none of them have attained the international acclaim that writers like Gadgil and Guha have. Those foresters who do try to make an entry into this more ‘glamorous’  type of writing (based on social-political aspects) soon find that the major publishing outlets are as insular as any professional body (including the foresters!). At any period, it seems that journals and academics like to encourage only the current flavor of writing. Nowadays, for example, you would have to write about any subject only with a slant to climate change, and even here you would have to support the ruling approach that there is a win-win strategy of encouraging carbon fixation by financial incentives through market mechanisms: nobody needs to sacrifice anything, everybody is better off. But the field forester is skeptical about such magic fixes, and in India at least, it may not be sensible to expect any great contribution from the global bodies as we are already taking a number of actions and our economy is now too big to tug at the donors’ purse strings any more (see my article on REDD+, in the EPW, Dilip Kumar 2014b). During the 1960s and 1970s, it was all about financial efficiency, business models and progressive maximum yields; then in the 1980s international bodies turned to social forestry and farm forestry; the 1990s was the decade of participatory approaches, when joint forest management (JFM) got much support; but after a decade or so of pushing each of these magic formulae, interest waned as a new flavor of the season emerged from the desks of western intellectuals and social scientists[1].

The current millennium started with the conviction that forests have to be handed over to the community, hence the international support for empowerment (in India the result has been various rights-based legislations, like the Forest Rights Act 2006). Any writing has to be slanted in this direction to evoke interest among editors. But it is anybody’s guess how long this topic will last; there are already rumblings (and among social environmentalists, grumblings) that attention will soon shift to international financial arrangements and market mechanisms for carbon sequestration and trading of carbon credits as proposed under REDD+ and the climate change agreements, with the accompanying danger that local communities will be coerced or inveigled into relinquishing their hard-won rights to title and use[2].

There have been a few forest officers (many of them who actually came from the pre-IFS provincial services) who have attained reasonable levels of eminence on the basis of their writings, as well as their body of work in the field and their willingness to be embroiled in controversies. If names are required, we may mention those of Kailash Sankhala, V.B.Saharia, S.R.Chowdhari[3],  and of course S.K.Seth, whom we know mainly for revising H.G.Champion’s Forest Types of India which is a sort of benchmark for Indian foresters[4].In this context, it has to be said that even scientists in the FRI Dehradun (before it became the quasi-autonomous ICFRE) attained what can be termed a status of eminence at least in their fields; again, if names are to be quoted, we can think of the geneticist Kedarnath, timber scientists Shekar and Purushottam, entomologists and pathologists like Sen Sharma and Pratap Singh, botanist  Sahni, and Ramachandra Guha’s own father, Ramdas Guha (a south Indian despite the Bengali-sounding surname) who studied all the tree species of India for their pulping qualities[5].The colonial Europeans who dedicated their lives to studying and publishing are not cited here, as it was probably a character of another era, but they have left behind authoritative treatises on basic subjects like botany and entomology that are still consulted.

It is my understanding that in the initial decades after independence, the FRI scientists considered themselves an integral part of the forest establishment, and because of their own unquestioned competence and erudition, attained these levels of recognition in their fields. In more recent decades, a number of forest officers have striven to match their professional attainments with academic and literary efforts, but none of them can be said to have attained a status of eminence, perhaps because of the more egalitarian temper of the times or their lack of true erudition. Their output is more in the nature of what someone (Sharad Lele, if I am not mistaken) characterizes as ‘semi-academic’ work (and a mea culpa is in order here). The situation has been somewhat scathingly described by Guha (2012) in the following words:

"Indian foresters published their papers in house journals, which did not follow the accepted scientific system of impartial, blind, and external refereeing. As a consequence, in a hundred (and more) years of  forestry research under state auspices, no single serving Indian forester has made any kind of name or  impact in the international community of scientists." (Guha, 2012, p.5)

A possible reason that contemporary foresters and forest scientists have failed to achieve recognition is perhaps the failure of the forest research institutions to put out their publications in the marketplace. They do not necessarily have to be published by Oxford or Cambridge to get put on the stock lists of internet vendors and on the shelves of bookshops; it may be enough to send them to the sellers on a commission. As it is, one has to write to the institutes concerned, and wait for a reply, a far cry from the web-based, one-click ordering experience which is the norm today. If the ICFRE volumes on the revised forest types, or the other priced and unpriced volumes could be put on the commercial sellers’ lists, there will at least be publicizing of the titles, even if there are not much sales. One has to understand the temperament of book lovers and bookshop browsers to achieve visibility, and thus recognition.

Developing the scientific talent base in the forest service

If not a status of eminence and international fame, could forest officers aspire to a reasonable level of recognition as scientists in their own right, and moreover contribute to the scientific basis of forestry (what may be termed the ‘scientification’ of forestry)? This was something that considerably exercised the mind of the then minister at the MoEF, and a conference of doctorates in the IFS was actually convened at FRI, Dehradun on 10 January 2010 to brainstorm on this possibility. As per the souvenir issued by the FRI on behalf of the ministry (MoEF, 2010), some 120 IFS doctorate-holders assembled, and were enlisted on four subject-matter groups. This does not include the entire population of doctorates in the IFS, which is estimated at closer to 150 (op. cit., final page), and there will be more if we include the state forest services, persons who have recently retired, etc. This can be vouched for personally, as many of my fellow-PhD scholars at Bangor are not on the list.

Out of the 120 listed, only 14 are from the FRI Deemed University at Dehradun, which has been stridently reviled in the scandal press after a critical report in April 2014 by the Comptroller & Auditor-General (CAG) of India (see http://www.tehelka.com/2015/01/tehelka-investigation-how-forest-officers-net-their-phds/ dated 7 February 2015). Of the rest, as many as 36 have their doctorates from agricultural universities (mainly Indian Agricultural Research Institute) and a few from veterinary universities. The remaining are distributed liberally among all leading universities and institutes, like Aligarh MU, Banaras HU, Jawaharlal NU, Allahabad U, and so on. Overseas institutes are represented by around 10 doctorates from the Universities of Wales (Bangor, Swansea), Aberdeen, Oxford, Melbourne, Arizona, and Toronto. Hardly half a dozen of all the PhDs can be stated to be totally irrelevant to forestry (mainly the veterinary sciences and one from technology of semi-conductors), if one includes agricultural and botanical studies within the fold of disciplines relevant to forestry sciences.
   
Speaking of the overseas doctorates, many foresters who stayed back in the host countries after their Commonwealth fellowships did rise to positions of eminence, mainly in the field of forest economics, like J.C.Nautiyal at the University of Toronto and later, Shashi Kant also  at Toronto. The aura of eminence comes from tutoring cohorts of students, supporting PhD scholars, and authoring solid textbooks, rather than just presenting papers at conferences.

All this is just to say that, even discounting the degrees from the FRI deemed university (if it is considered as an in-house facility run by foresters for foresters, which is not entirely true as they also have a number of non-IFS Ph.D. awardees and graduates of the other programmes as well), there is a very solid base of potential experts, the majority from forestry itself or from closely related and relevant fields of research in agriculture, horticulture etc. Some of them have, indeed, managed to produce a fair body of papers and books, and may be counted in the ranks of the reasonably competent scientifically speaking, even if they have not attained the fame of a Gadgil or a Guha. One reason for this may be that, frankly, the caliber of these two as writers (especially Ramachandra Guha, who admits himself that he is the more diligent publisher of the duo) is just  too high for even the best in the IFS to match.

The other reason, which of course may be criticized as self-serving, is that they have not been given the proper opportunities to exercise their technical specialization. The PhD is, in my understanding, just the start of the process of honing the professional, and not the culmination, as we are too prone to assume. The doctorate is like a basic qualification to go forth and practice, but improvement and growth to a higher level of achievement, even eminence, comes only out of long years of effort, the proverbial 10,000 hours of application that sets apart the professional.

It may also call for a certain amount of mentoring and sponsoring, as every successful person needs an approving audience. The forester, unfortunately, rarely finds this either within the service (as stated previously, such efforts to be better than the average are looked at suspiciously), nor outside (where there is, understandably, a certain amount of jealousy at the favoured position of the officers in relation to the general civilian who feels frustrated because of lack of formal status in the administrative structure). To produce foresters who are at the same time recognized by the world as experts, the forest service would need to consciously provide the required opportunities and a certain freedom lacking in the rigid hierarchical set-up, so that promising individuals are enabled to find approval from independent professional bodies outside the service.

Catching them young and the path to specialization

To carry out the mandate to create this type of expert in the service, a scheme was devised to identify promising young IFS officers and set them on the chosen specialization right after the initial training at the Indira Gandhi National Forestry Academy (IGNFA) by sending them to a course at a premier institute in India for a year. The most popular specialization opted for in the initial years of this programme from 2010-11 (called the Hari Singh award, after the IG Forests who marshalled the reification of the IFS in 1968), was wildlife conservation, at the Wildlife Institute of India at Dehradun. The selection of candidates is done at the IGNFA during the two-year training (potential candidates are supposed to be tagged at the initial entry based on their prior achievements, interests or activities if any), and the officers selected (at around 10% of the batch) are sent off for the specialized course without a break after their training. It was also suggested that they should be given a special facility of earning credits (without actually having to sit through the lectures) in subjects in which they may have already become proficient (this being especially relevant for those, like forestry graduates or post-graduates, who already had degrees or diplomas in the respective subjects). The time saved could (theoretically) be used for advanced work in their special field of interest.

In a way, it was a bit of a miracle to have pulled off this fellowship programme, as the states had to be brought on board and agree to exempt them from the on-the-job training components, and also to foot the bill for the period of specialized training. Apart from wildlife, other disciplines which are covered include remote sensing and photogrammetry, genetics, forest growth and economic modeling, biometrics and inventory, ecology, climate change, environment, natural resources, botany, silviculture, etc.

This is not the whole of the story, because this initial training only sets the officer on a path of specialization. The scheme calls for subsequent mentoring and monitoring, giving the officer suitable postings and responsibilities in the chosen field so that the officer is able to learn and grow through practical experience. One of the crucial requirements for such a scheme of professional development is that the officer should not get alienated from the rank and file, and end up as a critic who rails at the department from the outside (or a glorified ‘jholawala’, as the brief-case carrying officials like to call the sling-bag toting social activist).

Equally, the specialist officers should avoid falling into the trap of viewing all situations with the narrow field of view dictated by the specialization concerned; just because they have a PhD in a discipline does not mean that every decision must be under the control of that discipline. The case of forest economics comes immediately to mind: if every decision is subordinated to the iron criterion of financial efficiency, the end result could well be extremely unsatisfactory from the points of view of long-term sustainability (Dilip Kumar, 1992)[6]. In wildlife conservation, to take another field, field officers are usually unhappy with what appears to them as inordinately intrusive methods advocated in the name of furthering scientific knowledge, such as tranquilizing and collaring wild animals (even Sankhala, that doyen of wildlife conservationists, had his reservations to such intrusive methods, now recorded in a posthumous publication, Sankhala 2008, p.151).  Therefore, specialists’ advice is to be taken as just one of many inputs, and the specialists (officers or scientists) concerned should not feel slighted or suppressed if everything is not done as per their opinions. To attain this broad approach and appreciation, they have to also spend some time doing the routine jobs, facing the challenges and frustrations of the normal officer, so that they acquire a proper appreciation of the people on the ground working ‘in the trenches’, and of the practical aspects of the situation and not just a theoretical or ideological posture and the accompanying jargon.
 
The chosen officers have, moreover, to possess a stronger than average self-motivation that drives them to strive hard to keep up their learning, keeping records of systematic observations over long periods, reading assiduously, and taking every opportunity to write papers for national and international conferences, developing scripts over long time spans for books and reports, and so on. All this has to be done without compromising on their core responsibilities on whatever position they are assigned to; this calls for liberal burning of the midnight oil and foregoing some of the comforts of life. But the department has to provide a matching support to keep this motivation from flagging. Firstly, there has to be a positive feedback of approval from the seniors in the service: the message that the extra effort is useful, relevant, and valued in the department. In addition, the officers have to be materially supported to produce good studies and reports, that will vie with the best coming from the universities and institutes like the IISc. Support required would include permission and grants for travel, laying out of field plots, engagement of field assistants for continuous recording, establishing mentoring connections with outside experts in India (and, importantly, abroad), and so on. This is how today’s experts like Ullas Karanth (who was an engineer before he took to wildlife) and others have developed their careers, and this internal and external support would be necessary to develop experts of international standing out of our young forest officers.

Support for middle-level foresters

For this sort of continuing support, the ministry proposals actually envisaged two other programmes: one for the sort of in-service support outlined above, which were proposed should be called the S.K.Seth award (one of the best-known heads of the Forest Research Institute Dehradun, as mentioned earlier) for middle-level officers in the process of developing their careers as experts; and another award for joining higher degree courses abroad, to be named after C.R.Ranganathan (a former President of the FRI Dehradun, and a scientist rather than a forest officer). 

A memo dated 16 April 2010 from the ministry to the IGNFA is available at the link http://www.ignfa.gov.in/LinkClick.aspx?fileticket=QC40zv%2fLT0k%3d&tabid=37&mid=646&language=en-US, which gives the outline of all three programmes, but apparently only the Hari Singh scheme (for probationers at the IGNFA) has been brought into operation so far. The other two programmes have not been initiated at the same time as the Hari Singh awards, probably because officials at the ministry did not want to set in motion too many such schemes, and preferred to wait and see whether there is the expected level of seriousness and commitment expected in the officers who are ear-marked for a specialist career, and whether the state forest departments are able to support them with appropriate postings and so on. Of course, the initial batches of Hari Singh fellows still have a few years to go before they enter the middle career stage, although it could be thought appropriate to extend the benefits of the other schemes (for mid-career officers) to the seniors already in the service who may have been benefited by opportunities to prepare and publish papers, articles, and reports, attend conferences, etc. The MoEF note ends with the hope that the

“officers groomed through these programmes of fellowships coupled with mentoring or placement with eminent specialists the world over, will produce a pool of outstanding talent and expertise in the Service, with a broad outlook, in-depth knowledge of the field of specialization, world wide exposure coupled with experience of the ground reality in the Indian context. .. the target will be to develop a pool of specialists of around 10% of the IFS over a period of 10-15 years. It is expected that the officers will anchor themselves sufficiently in their field of specialization to even become strong contenders to occupy positions in multi-lateral organizations like the UNDP, FAO, IUCN, International NGOs like WWF etc. Ultimately they will the torch bearers for the cause of forestry and natural resources conservation in the country as well as at the global level.” (MoEF memo dated 16 April 2010).

Mention may be made of a third proposal, called the Dietrich Brandis award, to support very senior and retired members of the forest service to record their experiences and leave behind their memoires for the future. Indeed the impetus for this proposal came from the advice of the Vice-President of India, Hamid Ansari, in May 2009, at the launch of former Chief Secretary T.S.R.Subramanian’s book GovernMint in India—An Inside View, that civil servants are too reticent to write about their experiences of governance and statecraft (see http://www.babusofindia.com/2009/05/civil-servants-as-species-are.html), and again at the launch ceremony of a book In Service of India Abroad by retired bureaucrat and former Governor of Arunachal Pradesh, R.D. Pradhan, on 10 January 2012, that

“… there is a disinclination amongst civil servants to write about their experiences. I feel it is a net national loss because knowledge has to be transmitted, experiences have to be shared and therefore hidebound as we are to the OSA [Official Secrets Act] … there is room for a lot more being made public… there is room for a little bitof experimentation. The experience has to be recorded” (Vice-President Ansari, 10 January 2012, quoted in  Indian Express /ENS).

The Brandis award was proposed to cover costs of a fellowship, research assistance, secretarial support, travel, books and other equipment, etc., much like the senior fellowships afforded by the national research councils like the Indian Council for Social Sciences Research (ICSSR) or the Institute of Advanced Studies, Shimla. The Brandis scheme, approved in principle by the minister, was even forwarded to the ICFRE,  which came up with an estimate of Rs.9.5 lakhs per annum, and proposed award of 10 such fellowships. However this did not progress any further, although ICFRE compensated by instituting a few Chairs under the Special Grant of 100 crores proposed by the central government at the time (not all of which was actually released, however).

At any rate, if forest officers in substantial numbers are to go the extra mile in contributing to the knowledge base based on their vast and deep experience, some such schemes of facilitation and motivation at different levels will have to be developed as a conscious, planned, and broadly participative, programme.  

This article, as all others on this site, is the intellectual property of the author, P.J.Dilip Kumar (IFS, Retired). You are welcome to reproduce it with due acknowledgement. Suggested citation is as follows:




[1] Nandini Sundar, in her chapter in the Rights and Resources volume (Sundar, 2012: p.17-18) has inadvertently stumbled on this ‘10-year itch’: “Within a decade, the excitement around JFM gave way to two other processes…” (the running Godavarman case at the Supreme Court, and the FRA 2006). In my view, the fault is not in JFM or any historic transformation, but simply that international attention, academic or donors’, rarely persists for more than a decade on one method or topic. See my blogpost http://forestmatters.blogspot.com/2016/02/34-institutionalising-change-western.html, fn 6; a pdf version is available at https://www.academia.edu/21490696/Forest_Landscape_Restoration_in_India_Antecedents_experience_and_prognoses
[2] Some of this has been explored further in my blogpost, http://forestmatters.blogspot.com/2016/02/35-green-india-mission-gim-carbon.html; a pdf version of the entire article is available at https://www.academia.edu/21490696/Forest_Landscape_Restoration_in_India_Antecedents_experience_and_prognoses
[3] Of Khairi the tigress fame, see https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saroj_Raj_Choudhury
[4] This was revisited recently and a new volume published in 2013 by ICFRE (http://www.dailypioneer.com/state-editions/dehradun/forest-types-of-india-revisited-released.html), but in keeping with contemporary democratic norms, perhaps it will never come to be associated with any individuals’ names; eminence is based on many factors!
[5] References are not being given to their works, as that is not relevant to the topic on hand. Also, there are a number of other names that could be added; omissions may kindly be pardoned and taken as understood.
[6] The inadequacy of the financial criterion is explored in the blog series ending with http://forestmatters.blogspot.com/2015/02/13-applying-economic-analysis-to.html, and a pdf of the full article is at https://www.academia.edu/11136437/Applying_Economics_to_Sustained_Yield_Forestry_Why_foresters_dont_listen_to_social_scientists

References


Dilip Kumar, P. J. 1992. Economic analysis and the question of sustained yield in forestry. Presented at the National Seminar on “The Economics of the Sustainable Use of Forest Resources”, 2-4 April 1990, organised by Centre for Science & Environment, New Delhi. Published in the Proceedings of the seminar (Anil Agarwal, Editor, 1992: The Price of Forests).Dilip Kumar, P.J. 2014. Managing India’s Forests: Village Communities, Panchayati Raj Institutions and the State. Monograph #32 of the ISEC, Bangalore.
Dilip Kumar, P.J. 2014. Managing India’s Forests: Village Communities, Panchayati Raj Institutions and the State. Monograph #32 of the ISEC, Bangalore.
Dilip Kumar, P.J. 2014b. Climate Change, Forest Carbon Sequestration and REDD-Plus. The Context of India. Economic & Political Weekly, Vol. XLIX, No.22, May 24, 2014, p.22-25. www.academia.edu/11102870/...

Government of India. 2010. Doctorate-IFS Network. Published by Director, Forest Research Institute, Dehradun, for Ministry of Environment & Forests, New Delhi.
Guha, Ramachandra. 2006. How Much Should a Person Consume. Environmentalism in India and the United States. University of California Press, and Permanent Black.
Guha, Ramachandra. 2012. The Past and Future of Indian Forestry. Chapter I in Deeper Roots of Historical Injustice: Trends and Challenges in the Forests of India. Published by Rights and Resources Initiative, Washington, D.C. Available at www.rightsandresources.org/documents/files/doc_5589.pdf

IGNFA. 2012. Shaping a Forester. 75Years of Excellence. Indira Gandhi National Forest Academy, Dehradun. Download at http://www.ignfa.gov.in/Php%20Academy%20Publications/Chapter%2012%20to%2014.php

Khan, Jamshed and Sushant Pathak. 2015. Tehelka Investigation: How Forest Officers Net Their PhDs. Tehelka.com webmagazine, Volume 12, Issue 6, 2015-02-07. Available at http://www.tehelka.com/2015/01/tehelka-investigation-how-forest-officers-net-their-phds/

Rights and Resources Initiative. 2012. Deeper Roots of Historical Injustice: Trends and Challenges in the Forests of India.Washington, D.C. Available at www.rightsandresources.org/documents/files/doc_5589.pdf

Sankhala, Kailash. 2008. Sankhala’s India. Lest We Forget. Edited by Bittu Sahgal, published posthumously by Sanctuary Asia, Mumbai.

Sarin, Madhu. 2014. Undoing Historical Injustice: Reclaiming Citizenship Rights And Democratic Forest Governance through the Forest Rights Act. Chapter 3, in Lele and Menon (Eds.), 2014.
Shyamsunder, S. and S.Parameshwarappa. 2014. Forest Conservation Concerns in India. Bio-Green Books. (Review by Ullas karanth, available at http://www.deccanherald.com/content/438364/forests-india-balancing-ecological-human.html)

Sundar, Nandini. Violent Social Conflicts in India’s Forests. Society, State and the Market. Chapter 2 in Deeper Roots of Historical Injustice: Trends and Challenges in the Forests of India. Published by Rights and Resources Initiative, Washington, D.C. Available at www.rightsandresources.org/documents/files/doc_5589.pdf



Friday, April 8, 2016

39 People and the forest service. Modernizing the Indian Forest Service-III.

Karl Marx and the ‘Wood Theft Law’ in 19th century Germany

It may not be surprising that the question of forest rights and privileges has had a hoary and distinguished career in the world of social-political thought and ideology. This is because forests have usually been considered a part of the commons, open to anybody in the community for collecting the necessities of daily living, including fuel, food, fodder, medicines, artisanal raw materials, etc. The moment forest administration is put on a more organized basis under the direct control of state organs, this direct and intimate relationship of community with commons is disrupted, impinging on the day to day life (and misery) of the poorest people. Socially conscious thinkers and activists, therefore, see in this a classical case of the state usurping the space of the individual and the local community. A discussion of forest policy, therefore, cannot be undertaken in a relatively closed space, where only technical issues and concerns are taken into account, as the professional forester is prone to do.

What may be a cause of surprise to most foresters (and some environmentalists) is that one of the early social-political commentaries on the forest situation is actually that of the great Karl Marx himself, and that too in the earliest period of his career, even before he had formulated his concept of historical materialism and the inevitable collapse of the capitalist system. From October 1842 to the following January, faced with growing government censorship in running the Rheinische Zeitung (RZ), the young Marx turned "away from exclusive concentration on the philosophy of politics and the politics of philosophy”, to certain specific social and economic problems (Draper, 1977, Vol.I, p.66). Among these was the “Wood Theft Law”, a subject which “may strike the modern reader as a tenth-rate problem” (compared with other pressing issues mentioned in the chapter), but is “easily the most important that Marx wrote as editor” (Draper, op. cit., p.63 onwards):

“Wood gathering had been a traditional right of the peasants, but now when times were hard for them, the state was cracking down on it. As a result of this collision between the needs of mass poverty and the needs of property and business, prosecutions for wood theft had climbed dramatically during the preceding decade… For example, around Trier {Marx’s hometown}, wood thefts formed an amazing 97 percent of all thefts in the period 1830-1836 (for which there are figures); in all Prussia in 1836, offenses in forest, hunting, and pasture lands (probably mostly wood thefts and poaching) formed almost 77 percent of all prosecutions. This situation continued until the 1848 revolution.” (Draper, op. cit., p.63).

According to Draper, this is the first time that “we see Marx caught up in a passionate identification with the poor and oppressed, vividly feeling the misery and want he has investigated and trying to cry out to the comfortable burghers: Look, here are human beings suffering – something had to be done!” (Draper, op. cit., p.64). Draper supplies the following excerpt from the Rhenish historian H.Stein in this connection: “Karl Marx’s articles on the Moselle and wood theft questions… had the task of drawing public attention to the distressed economic situation and to the defects of the administrative bureaucracy, both of which were little known … among broader circles due to the pressure of the pre-1848 censorship. But even today these essays still deserve the attention of scientific research…” (Draper, ibid., footnote; italics added for attention). At this stage of Marx’s political evolution, he still had the view that a third element, which is neither of the state nor directly involved in private interests, is needed to resolve the difficulty: the free press. This is all the more necessary because of the tendency of the official “for demeaning the state interests into his private affair, into interests from which all others are excluded as laymen, so that even the crystal-clearest reality seems illusory to him against the reality embedded in the documents under his nose…” Marx deplored the tendency of the state bureaucracy “to look on the state as its own private property” (Marx, 1842, quoted in Draper, op. cit., p.65-66).

From the analysis of these seemingly limited and simple social situations, Marx proceeded to develop the concept of the state and to draw lessons for the larger agenda  for the “battle for political democracy” (Draper, p.66), and the counter-positioning of the “rights of individual people” (op. cit., p.67) against the rights of property and the rights of the state:

“We vindicate the customary right of poverty [that is, the poor] … in all countries. We go even further and maintain that customary right in accordance with its nature can be only the right of this lowest, elementary mass which owns nothing” (Marx, quoted by Draper, op. cit., p.68; italics in original).

Marx claims this right for the poor on the ground that

"the privileged classes have long ago turned their customary rights (even the unreasonable ones) into statutory laws. …It is only the unprivileged whose customary rights have remained without the buttress of law; hence only in their case does such an appeal make sense” (Marx, 1842, quoted in Draper, op. cit., p.69).

The resonance of this argument with the justification and rationale of the Forest Rights Act, 2006, is obvious. In fact, in another (maybe not completely fortuitous) throwback to Marx’s concerns, the government of the day held the forest service in India responsible for the rise of the Naxalite menace (termed Left-Wing Extremism, LWE). Apart from mobilizing social environmentalists to go around the country investigating the state of the Forest Rights Act (the Saxena Committee, see Nitin Sethi’s report in the Times of India, 24 December 2010), a big effort was mounted to establish gram sabha (community) rights on bamboo in the forest (defined as a Minor Forest Produce, MFP, in the FRA, and hence the property of the gram sabha under the Panchayati Raj legislation). The then minister for environment & forests personally went to villages in the state of Maharashtra to establish these rights by distribution of permit books to the gram sabhas (a compromise arrived at to empower the communities while maintaining some of the management regulations in the interests of long-term viability of the crop) (see Times News Service report in the Times of India, 23 May 2011).

The founding-father of Indian forestry, Dietrich Brandis, has some interesting comments on the forest situation in mid-19th century Europe and the ‘revolution’ of 1848, which throw a slightly different light on the value of some sacrifice in the immediate future in the longer term interest; this obviously had (and has even today!) relevance to the Indian situation, when social activists are pressing for the transfer of full rights to the community:

“During the excited times of 1848, when the relaxation of all restrictions was everywhere demanded in Germany, several villages in the Kingdom of Würtemberg demanded permission to divide their communal forests among the householders of the village. In a weak moment the Government consented, the forests were divided and sold. The proceeds soon disappeared for 1848 was a year of excited popular assemblies, of drinking and carousing in that part of the country. These villages I visited in 1865, and the people complained bitterly of their poverty. The villages in the vicinity, that had put up with the restrictions, which good forest management demands, were prosperous and happy. No communal taxes, for the steady annual forest income paid for the roads, lighting, schools and churches, and in addition yielded to each householder firewood in abundance for the winter, and timber for repair of their houses.” (Brandis, 1897 repr. 1994, p.150)

James C. Scott- Seeing Forestry Like a State

Among others, the case of ‘scientific’ forestry has been analysed in detail by James C.Scott in his work Seeing Like a State, which has the telling sub-title How Certain Schemes to Improve the human Condition Have Failed (Scott, 1998). In this book, Scott analyses certain leading examples of how states strive to make society and social activities more “legible”, by simplifying, standardizing, arranging, labeling, categorizing, sedentarizing (restricting movements), and so on. Scott tries to “provide a convincing logic behind the failure of some of the great utopian social engineering schemes of the twentieth century” (op. cit., p.4). 

The examples chosen for detailed discussion are: state cadastral mapping to systematize property holdings, taxation, etc.; ‘scientific’ forestry with maximum productivity goals; highly planned new cities like Le Corbusier’s design for Chandigarh, India; Soviet collectivization and “compulsory villagization” in Tanzania (and in Ethiopia and Mozambique). A saving grace of the work is that it is not restricted only to fiascoes of “high- modernism” sponsored by the democratic states; he also mentions the ‘Great Leap Forward’ in China, and discusses in detail collectivization in Russia (Ch.6). Readers can obviously come up with other examples from theocratic and nationalistic states, as well as communist dictatorships (the so-called People’s Democratic Republics), which show the extreme disasters that unbridled good intentions can cause.

Scott sees four elements as necessary to take these high-sounding programmes to their final stage of a “full-fledged disaster”: the “administrative ordering of nature and society” in an effort to make them “legible” and hence, amenable to control, the “high-modernist ideology” with its exaggerated faith in progress that has been “unscientifically optimistic”;  an “authoritarian state” that is willing to use “the full weight of its coercive power” to implement these designs; and a “prostrate civil society" that “lacks the capacity to resist these plans” (op. cit., p.5). Their failure was because they were too simplistic and rudimentary in their effort to define and systematize; they made no allowance for the myriad “informal processes” and “improvisations in the face of unpredictability”, the “local knowledge and know-how”, that are what actually keep a “functioning social order” going (ibid., p.6).

We are more immediately concerned here with his comments on the so-called scientific, sustained yield forestry model. Interestingly, Scott states that this “scientific forestry” was originally developed from about 1765 to 1800, largely in Prussia and Saxony, and later spread to France, England and the US, and throughout the Third World. Its advantages were the higher output of wood, shorter rotations and hence higher economic return to forest land, thereby becoming the standard for forest organizations “throughout the world”,   transmitted for instance to India and Burma by Dietrich Brandis, a German, and the US through Gifford Pinchot, “the second chief forester of the United States”. “By the end of the nineteenth century, German forestry science was hegemonic” (op. cit., p.19).

What, however, are the main objections to this type of regimented production forestry, and what are the main conclusions reached by Scott? One of the objections is that this “utopian dream of scientific forestry… was not and could never be realized in practice”; in a litany of woes that should bring a wry smile to the lips of any seasoned forester,

“Both nature and the human factor intervened. The existing topography of the landscape and the vagaries of fire, storms, blights, climate changes, insect populations, and disease conspired to thwart foresters and to shape the actual forest. Also, given the insurmountable difficulties of policing large forests, people living nearby typically continued to graze animals, poach firewood and kindling, make charcoal, and use the forest in other ways that prevented the foresters’ management plans from being fully realized. Although, like all utopian schemes, it fell well short of attaining its goal, the critical fact is that it did partly succeed in stamping the actual forest with the imprint of its designs” (Scott, op. cit., p.19).

A more social objection (in reference to the encouragement of Norway spruce or Scotch pine in place of German mixed forests) is that “The monocropped forest was a disaster for peasants who were now deprived of all the grazing, food, raw materials, and medicines that the earlier forest ecology had afforded” (Scott, op. cit., p.19). “Radically simplified designs for natural environments” seem “to court the same risks of failure” as those for social organization (op. cit., p.7). “The failures and vulnerability of monocrop commercial forests and genetically engineered, mechanized monocropping mimic the failures of collective farms and planned cities. At this level, I am making a case for the resilience of both social and natural diversity and a strong case about the limits, in principle, of what we are likely to know about complex, functioning order” (ibid.). Scott’s charge is that by focusing on the revenue-yielding timber portion of the most valuable trees, modern forestry has ignored “all those trees, bushes, and plants holding little or no potential for state revenue” and even those that “might have been useful to the population but whose value could not be converted into fiscal receipts” (op. cit., p.12). Gone also were the vast majority of flora and fauna, “except those that interested the crown’s gamekeepers”. All other uses of the forest e.g. for food, sustenance of man and livestock, or cultural and religious values, “for magic, worship, refuge, and so on”, were also ignored. “The forest as a habitat disappears and is replaced by the forest as an economic resource to be managed efficiently and profitably” (Scott, op. cit., p.13).

In the long run, Scott states, this model of the “stripped-down forest” (op. cit., p.20) proved to be ecologically unsound and unviable, as it “became painfully obvious only after the second rotation of conifers had been planted” (ibid., italics in original), showing a drop of as much as two site quality classes due to the imbalance in nutrient cycling. The excessive cleaning of undergrowth seems to have contributed to “thinner and less nutritious soils” (ibid.). Same-age, same-species stands not only left an “impoverished habitat” (p.21) but were also vulnerable to large scale damages from pests, storm-fall etc. A similar list of burdens have been attributed to mono culture and intensive (plantation) forestry in India, as well, and some of these have indeed been collated by me as a special paper during the training course in the Indian Forest College, Dehradun (Dilip Kumar, 1976).

This description of Scott’s follows the general lines of the criticism of ‘scientific’ or organized state forestry leveled by old social thinkers like Marx, or our modern social environmentalists like Madhav Gadgil and Ramachandra Guha, Vandana Shiva, or Sharachchandra Lele and associates. In the collection of articles Deeper Roots of Historical Injustice (Rights and Resources Initiative, 2012), Guha comments that although the forest department was set up as early as 1864, it was not until the 1980s that the social scientists began to systematically examine (some would say, dissect!) its policies and programmes, in contrast with their earlier scrutiny of other wings of the state like the revenue, agriculture, irrigation and judicial.  Perhaps the most recent and impassioned statement of this position is contained in Madhu Sarin’s chapter (Undoing Historical Injustice: Reclaiming Citizenship Rights and Democratic Forest Governance through the Forest Rights Act) in Lele & Menon (2014).

It may be appropriate to acknowledge here that the writings and other advocacy of the social scientists and environmentalists have borne a sort of fruit in the form of the Forest Rights Act 2006 (the full and formal title being The Scheduled Tribes and Other Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006, or ROFR Act), which seeks to transfer full control of both individual and community rights over forest areas to the forest-dependent people or communities. In a sense, the action research on the wood-theft problem in German forests, initiated by Karl Marx in 1842, has come full circle and rests now with the empowerment of the communities and their ostensible ‘liberation’ from the controlling hand of the state.

The Forest Rights Act (FRA) apparently goes beyond the Joint Forest Management (JFM) framework drawn up by the forest department as a sort of compromise, although, as gathered by the author during some village visits for a study (Dilip Kumar, 2014), at least in areas of settled agriculture (in Haryana, Karnataka, and Tamil Nadu), the people themselves did not differentiate so strongly between panchayati raj institutions (PRIs) and department-led community-based organizations (CBOs). They usually prefer to have the benefit of both types of institutions, especially as the PRIs stop at the Village Panchayat (VP) level comprising of many large revenue villages, whereas JFM committees and other sector-specific bodies are formed at a lower, hamlet or settlement level, and are usually more responsive to the immediate needs of smaller communities. Many communities express their need for collaborative  institutions with state organs in addition to the representative bodies of the PRIs (see my case study of the Haryana private forests in the Economic & Political Weekly, Dilip Kumar 2013; the full report is in the ISEC Monograph No.32, Dilip Kumar 2014).[1]

It is not intended to take up a detailed analysis of these topics here, as the instant purpose is to consider how the forest service should respond in the objective situation of the present, rather than weighing the rights and wrongs of this or that position or record of past actions. The ensuing sections will take up some of the key issues, such as recruitment and training, increasing the scientific content, and others that have been raised as sketched out above, and attempt to present, and discuss, different points of view as well as the author’s own perceptions.




[1] Needless to say, the series of articles in the website www.forestmatters.in cover many of these issues: discussion of village institutions is in the posts 14-18 (April 2015), and discussion of JFM,  in the context of Forest Landscape Restoration (FLR), is in the posts 30-36 (January-February 2016); pdf versions of these are posted at https://www.academia.edu/11997756/Decentralized_governance_and_forests_in_India and https://www.academia.edu/21490696/Forest_Landscape_Restoration_in_India_Antecedents_experience_and_prognoses.

This article, as all others on this site, is the intellectual property of the author, P.J.Dilip Kumar (IFS, Retired). You are welcome to reproduce it with due acknowledgement. 

References

Brandis, Dietrich. 1897 (repr. 1994). Forestry in India. Natraj Publishers, Dehradun.
Dilip Kumar, P.J. 1976. The Ecological Implications of Intensive Culture in Forestry. Special paper submitted as part of the Diploma in Forestry, 1974-76. (Typescript). February 1976. Indian Forest College, Dehradun.
Dilip Kumar, P.J. 2013. Village communities and their common property forests. Economic & Political Weekly, Vol.xlviii, No.35, 31 August 2013, pp.33-36.
Dilip Kumar, P.J. 2014. Managing India’s Forests: Village Communities, Panchayati Raj Institutions and the State. Monograph #32 of the ISEC, Bangalore.
Draper, Hal. 1977. Karl Marx’s Theory of Revolution. Vol.I. State and Bureaucracy. Monthly Review Press, New York, 1977. Reprinted 2011 by Aakar Books for South Asia, Delhi-110091. Preview at https://books.google.co.in/books?id=mC0UCgAAQBAJ
Gadgil, Madhav and Ramachandra Guha.1992. This Fissured Land. An Ecological History of India. Oxford University Press, New Delhi.

Guha, Ramachandra. 2012. The Past and Future of Indian Forestry. Chapter I in Deeper Roots of Historical Injustice: Trends and Challenges in the Forests of India. Published by Rights and Resources Initiative, Washington, D.C. Available at www.rightsandresources.org/documents/files/doc_5589.pdf

Pinchot, Gifford. 1947 (1998). Breaking New Ground. Harcourt, Brace, and Co., New York. Commemorative edition published 1998 by Island Press, Washington, D.C. Introductory essay by Char Miller and V.Alaric Sample.
Rights and Resources Initiative. 2012. Deeper Roots of Historical Injustice: Trends and Challenges in the Forests of India.Washington, D.C. Available at www.rightsandresources.org/documents/files/doc_5589.pdf
Sarin, Madhu. 2014. Undoing Historical Injustice: Reclaiming Citizenship Rights And Democratic Forest Governance through the Forest Rights Act. Chapter 3, in Lele and Menon (Eds.), 2014.
Scott, James C. 1998. Seeing Like a State. How Certain Schemes to Improve the human Condition Have Failed. Yale University Press, New haven and London.
Sethi, Nitin. Litmus test for govt as NAC gets specific on forest rights. Times of India (newspaper), 24 December 2010, New Delhi.

Times News Service. Ramesh moves to give tribals fair share in bamboo trade. Times of India (newspaper), 23 March 2011, New Delhi.
  

Sunday, March 27, 2016

38 Forest service as a classical Weberian bureaucracy. Modernizing the Indian Forest Service-II.

Strength of the Weberian bureaucracy

From a sociological point of view, the forest services may be taken as a very good living example of the classical Weberian bureaucratic institution (Weber, date uncertain, see Parsons, 1947, ed. 1964, p.324 onwards). Many of the ingredients of the classical bureaucracy as described by Weber are a core feature of the forest service. Recruitment is through a competitive exam from the mass population, with no pandering to any sense of elitism (especially after independence: older officers, who had served with the British colonials, have been heard to grumble that the offspring of clerks and schoolmasters were landing up in the service through the competitive exams, even though they could not afford to maintain the required genteel lifestyle). The officer-probationers are put through a rigorous training course (some may even call it an indoctrination!) in the practice of forestry (albeit of a particular vintage, the sustained physical yield model), where certain core professional values and attitudes are inculcated.

The service is highly hierarchical, with even a half year's seniority calling forth deference from the juniors, while matters of seniority (inter-se within each batch, between batches and state cadres, and among state and all-India services, etc.), promotion, award of plum postings, orders of precedence in the districts and the states, and so on are constant preoccupations throughout the career. Communication is very linear and formalistic, mostly from top downwards, and there is hardly any open feedback from the juniors in the service (let alone from lower levels in the hierarchy, such as range forest officers and section foresters). Actions are bound by written codes and rule books (in principle, if not always in practice), there is reluctance to delegate financial and administrative powers, and not much discretion can be exercised in individual cases. Officers are not free to travel outside their official jurisdiction, and crossing the lines of authority in official communications is frowned upon (every missive and report has to be ‘through proper channel’, although less inhibited individuals do break protocol by submitting ‘advance copies’ to higher-ups over the heads of their immediate supervisors).

An even bigger faux-pas would be for an officer to air divergent views in the media, and mistakes which would have been condoned or overlooked in the normal course become inexcusable if the officer tries to justify himself in public. (This is not a special character of the Indian situation, as the first forest chief in the US, Gifford Pinchot, had to resign precisely because of airing his views about coal mining in the newspapers in 1910: see his memoirs, Pinchot 1947).

Such arrangements make for a highly disciplined, cohesive, temperamentally uniform, and stable institution, but the system cannot be very nimble in responding to change in the outside environment or unprecedented challenges. Since such a service cannot easily resist orders from above, it may tend to be used for good and for bad ends; much depends on the values and objectives of the leaders in the administration, and of course of the masters (in our case, the political parties in government).

Because individuals down in the hierarchy find it difficult to get their views to the top levels, they often use other avenues, such as third party ‘interlocutors’, lobbyists, NGOs, and more dangerously, politicians. Too much of this type of activity leads over time to disruption of discipline, erosion of authority, and weakening of the institutional values, which makes the service prone to being used for other than the public good.

The forest service in British India and its influence worldwide

The British set up the Imperial Forest Service in India soon after the take-over of the administration by the Crown following the Sepoy Mutiny or the First War of Independence; the first Inspector General of Forests in India, Dr.Dietrich Brandis, served from 1864 to 1883. Training of the superior forest officers was carried out at various places: initially (from the first batch of seven appointees in 1869, which included an Indian, Framjee Rustomjee Desai) at Nancy (France) and Hanover (Germany), with an interlude in 1870 at St.Andrews University in Scotland; from 1886 at Cooper’s Hill College in England under Sir William Schlich, then from 1905 to 1925 at Oxford, Cambridge and Edinburgh. Forestry training was set up in India after the World War I, along with increasing induction of Indians: in 1926, official recognition was given to the Indian Forest Service Training College, and training was conducted up to 1932 under the supervision of the Imperial Forest Research Institute at Dehradun, in the Chandbagh estate which is now the famous Doon School (all these details, and more, are from the outstanding publication of the IGNFA, 2012).

Interestingly, the pattern of the Indian forest service was so positively perceived that it has influenced other, even advanced, countries (Barton, 2002). As recounted by Brandis (1897, repr. 1994, p.60), these consultancy reports (as they would be called today) were summarized in the FRI journal Indian Forester, and hence available to the larger body of commonwealth foresters. Some of these were: Major Walker’s report on New Zealand forests in 1876, Thompson’s report on Mauritius (1880), Vincent’s on Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) in 1882, Dobbs’ appointment in 1882 “to the charge of the forests in Cyprus”, and Hutchins in the forest department of the Cape of Good Hope (ibid.). 

Erosion of autonomy – forest service in USA and India compared

The US Bureau of Forestry took charge of the public forests only by the end of the century, and the US Forest Service was set up only in 1905, after a supportive President (Theodore Roosevelt)
 took office, Theodore Roosevelt (introductory chapter by Miller and Sample in Pinchot, 1947, ed. 1998). The first forest chief, Gifford Pinchot, had been to some of the same institutions in Europe  for his basic training in forestry as the Indian Forest Service had resorted to (such as L’Ecole National Forestiere at NancyFrance). Pinchot made it a point to visit the retired Brandis (and Schlich) in Europe in the fall of 1889 when he had commenced his forestry training, and in fact looked up to Brandis as his teacher and mentor. The familiar strategy of vesting control of the public (national) forests under a federally-controlled bureaucracy (the forest service) in the interest of their long-term sustainable management, was fostered under Pinchot’s charge.

The US Forest Service (USFS) has been given half a chapter to itself in Fukuyama’s  treatise on the state (Fukuyama, 2014, Chapter 11), where it is lauded as a successful – and, in the US, rare -- example of “the possibilities that exist for high-quality government and genuinely autonomous bureaucracy” (Fukuyama, op. cit.). The USFS case is held up by Fukuyama as a contrast to the largely privately developed American railroads, which veered between too little regulation in the initial decades (and market failures in meeting the requirements) and too much regulation in later decades that led to their bankruptcy in the 1970s. (Wolmar, 2009, is an accessible and passionate account of the vital role that development of railways played in enriching – and destroying – countries and cultures, in civil conflict, in the two world wars, and in underpinning “nothing less than the spread of modernity and the making of the modern world”). The railroads case demonstrates how difficult it is “to create a government agency subservient to democratic will but at the same time sufficiently autonomous and free from capture by powerful interests” (Fukuyama, op. cit.), which makes the Forest Service case all the more impressive. 

The USFS, which today manages over 200 million acres of national forest (80 million hectares, mha, or just a little more than the Indian forest area) “was one of the first federal agencies to protect its personnel from political patronage”, and recruited its people directly from the recent graduates in scientific agriculture of the new land-grant colleges, and thus had “no roots in either the patronage or seed-distribution systems”. Thus,

“In contemporary parlance, this shift in USDA personnel policy constituted ‘capacity building’. The quality of the bureaucracy was dependent not just on the higher educational achievements of the new entrants but also on the fact that these individuals constituted a network of trust and possessed what has been labeled ‘social capital’… these new officials had similar backgrounds … and embodied a common belief in modern science and the need to apply rational methods to the development of rural communities around the United States. This mind-set over time became the basis for the organizational ethos of the Agriculture Department and in particular of one of its key divisions, the U.S. Forest Service.” (Fukuyama, op. cit., p.174)

The US Forest Service was instrumental in reversing the extensive denudation of America’s forests under the accepted culture of expansion and abandonment of settlements. “The recovery of these lands and their return to productive use was one of the great achievements of government intervention. The U.S. Forest Service has long been regarded as one of the most successful American bureaucracies, whose quality and esprit de corps became legendary… all the more remarkable given the fact that individual forest rangers live in highly dispersed locations, whose isolation prevents the kind of bonding usually seen in urban organizational settings” (op. cit., p.175). Fukuyama credits the character of the USFS to the distinct scientific ethos imparted by its initiator Fernow, and especially to the first chief, Gifford Pinchot, who “in many ways embodied Max Webers’s Protestant work ethic”. This completes the circle in our discussion; and, we may add, also applies to the founding father of the Indian Forest Service, Dietrich Brandis who was in a way Pinchot’s mentor or guru. 

The special character of the US Forest Service was also enabled by Pinchot’s political adeptness, his close friendship with president ‘Teddy’ Roosevelt, and his public relations success in getting it transferred to the Agriculture Department, away from the previous home in the Department of the Interior. That organization had a completely different ethos, staffed as it was “by lawyers and accountants, with no expertise in forest management”, who “regarded their mission primarily as servicing the interests of private developers who wanted access to or ownership of public lands”. But it was “politically very popular with western politicians and businessmen” (op. cit., p.177), who scoffed at the foresters as idealistic and impractical.  

Fukuyama imputes the success of the US Forest Service mainly to the relative autonomy with which it operated (in comparison with, say, the Interstate Commerce Commission, ICC). “This is the meaning of state autonomy: a government that is not too easily swayed by the short-term vagaries of democratic public opinion but rather looks to long-term public interest” (Fukuyama, op. cit. p.182). “At the time, the idea that forestry professionals, rather than politicians, should manage public lands and handle the department’s staffing was revolutionary, but it was vindicated by the service’s impressive performance. Several major academic studies have treated its early decades as a classic case of successful public administration” (Fukuyama,  2014b).  

Pinchot’s national forests were not given to him on a platter of popular and Congressional support, but won in the face of strong opposition and resistance from various political and commercial interests (such as the livestock and mining lobbies), by some fast official action and able persuasion of the chief executive, Roosevelt. Some of these qualities were no doubt reflected in the (foreign) founders of India’s forest service, and also in the Indian forester Hari Singh (FRI Dehradun, 2010), who was Inspector-General of Forests during the premiership of Indira Gandhi and had similarly caught her ear, leading to the restitution of the Indian Forest Service as an All-India Service, among other actions in the cause of forest conservation (Gandhi, 2009). 

However, the very strengths of internal discipline and being true to professional values of this type of bureaucracy may become a liability as social conditions change, as it may persist in doing things the old, officially acceptable way far past the ‘use by’ date.  According to Fukuyama, “interest-group politics” ended up infecting even the US Forest Service. Once “the shining example of a high-quality American bureaucracy”, it had by the 1980s come to be “regarded by many observers as a highly dysfunctional bureaucracy performing an outmoded mission with the wrong tools” (Fukuyama, 2014, Chapter 31: pp.455-56). The service had been captured by its different constituencies: although “still staffed by professional foresters, many highly dedicated to the agency’s mission”, it has “lost a great deal of the autonomy it won under Pinchot” (op. cit.). It operates under “multiple and often contradictory mandates from Congress and the courts” (and, we may add, the media, local pressure groups, and public sentiments), while “achieving questionable aims” (ibid.). For instance, it devoted so much time and resources to preventing forest fires, that it lost sight of other valid responsibilities and of the bigger ecological picture of fires and forests (p.457), leading to an over-accumulation of inflammable material and consequent rise of larger, uncontrollable fires .

In India, luckily, thanks to the still broad front presented in the training, the forest profession has been aware that a recurring series of small fires (what are called ‘ground fires’) serves to reduce the inflammable material (the ‘fire hazard’), thereby making the incidence of massive conflagrations (‘crown fires’) less likely, and may thus be the lesser of the evils. Indian foresters undertake ‘advance burns’ of the ground with the withdrawal of the cold season, so that the forest is ‘fire-proofed’ over the hot and dry months before the onset of the monsoon in June or later. Fire protection was an obsession even with the British colonial forest departments, with officers required to spend months in the field, marching (or, earlier, riding) from camp to camp for months together without returning to headquarters during the ‘fire season’ (Brandis, op. cit., p.124). There have been, fortunately, few if any incidences of the type of  forest fires one sees in the US or southeast Asia during recent decades, partly because of the fire protection measures, partly because fallen material is usually removed by fuelwood collectors, and partly because of heightened cooperation and consciousness among the villagers due to the programme of Joint Forest Management (JFM) since the 1990s (or earlier in some places).  (This was written some days before the spate of fires in some 2000 hectares of pine forest in Uttarakhand that seemed to have achieved alarming proportions, with newspapers calling for the disaster recovery protocols to meet the unprecedented threat to human life and property. See e.g. The Hindu newspaper, 3 May, 2016).

At the same time, generations of Indian foresters have been vigilant about maintaining the autonomy of the service, in the face of strong pressures from diverse interests ranging from the pro-industrial lobby on the right, through the wildlife tourism lobby that sees the department as the bone in the kebab and would like to hand over the best areas to the private tour operator (Thapar, 2015), to vigorous public campaigns by the leftist interests who would initiate the fall of the bourgeois state with the forest department. So hostile are the latter interest group (and their intellectual advocates), that to them it appears that the forest service is actually ignoring the political agenda of distributing the forests to the needy (Lele, Epilogue, in Lele and Menon, 2014: p.405 and fn 3 on p.411).

Indian foresters, on the other hand, probably fell into a rut of another description: the obsession with ‘production forestry’. The consequences of this single-minded pursuit of maximum physical productivity or ‘progressive sustained yield’ has been a growing disconnect with the general public opinion, rather analogous to the case of the USFS portrayed by Fukuyama. This orientation was aided and abetted by the pride of place given to economic criteria during the decades after independence, and especially by the scathing indictment of the ‘conservative’ sustained yield principle in favour of ‘financial rotations’ and ‘progressive yield’ by such eminent economists as Samuelson and Hirshleifer in the United States (Dilip Kumar, 1992).[1]


In the following section, this question of the people-forest interaction will be explored in greater detail.




References

Barton, Gregory Allen. 2002. Empire Forestry and the Origins of Environmentalism. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Brandis, Dietrich. 1897 (repr. 1994). Forestry in India. Natraj Publishers, Dehradun.

Dilip Kumar, P. J. 1992. Economic analysis and the question of sustained yield in forestry. Presented at the National Seminar on “The Economics of the Sustainable Use of Forest Resources”, 2-4 April 1990, organised by Centre for Science & Environment, New Delhi. Published in the Proceedings of the seminar (Anil Agarwal, Editor, 1992: The Price of Forests).

FRI Dehradun. 2010. Hari Singh. A Life Sketch.  Forest Research Institute, Dehradun. See press release available at http://pib.nic.in/newsite/PrintRelease.aspx?relid=68411

Fukuyama, Francis. 2014. Political Order and Political Decay. From the Industrial Revolution to the Globalisation of Democracy. Profile Books. London. Preview at: https://books.google.co.in/books?id=Rj-eAwAAQBAJ

Fukuyama, Francis. 2014b. America In Decay: The Sources of Political Dysfunction. Foreign Affairs 93(5): pp.5-26.

Gandhi, Indira. 2009. On Environment & Forests. Selected Speeches, Messages and Letters. Ministry of Environment & Forests, New Delhi.  November 2009. (see book review by Prerna Singh Bindra in Sanctuary Magazine, available at http://www.sanctuaryasia.com/conservation/reviews/book-reviews/2228-indira-gandhi-on-environment-and-forests-selected-speeches-messages-and-letters.html)
IGNFA. 2012. Shaping a Forester. 75Years of Excellence. Indira Gandhi National Forest Academy, Dehradun. Download at http://www.ignfa.gov.in/Php%20Academy%20Publications/Chapter%2012%20to%2014.php

Lele, Sharachchhandra and Ajit Menon. (Eds.). 2014. Democratizing Forest Governance in India. Oxford University Press India, New Delhi.
Parsons, Talcott (Ed.). 1947, 1964. Max Weber: The Theory of Social and Economic Organization.  First paperback edition, 1964. The Free Press, New York.
Pinchot, Gifford. 1947 (1998). Breaking New Ground. Harcourt, Brace, and Co., New York. Commemorative edition published 1998 by Island Press, Washington, D.C. Introductory essay by Char Miller and V.Alaric Sample.
Thapar, Valmik. 2015. Saving Wild India. A Blueprint for Change. Aleph Book Company, New Delhi.
 Wolmar, Christian. 2009. Blood, Iron & Gold. How the Railways Transformed the World. Atlantic Books, London.


Tuesday, March 8, 2016

37 Modernizing the Indian Forest Service-I. The crisis of confidence

The forest service as a vestige of the colonial regime

Scanning any writing on Indian forestry from the 1980s onward, will throw up repeated criticisms of the forest departments and especially of the Indian Forest Service. A few examples will suffice to illustrate the general tone and tenor of these declarations of non-confidence. The works of Gadgil and Guha (e.g. 1992; 2000), of course, are the quintessential statements of the position that the forest departments are a creation, and thus a vestige, of the overbearing and exploitative imperialistic regime in the erstwhile colonies like India. The labels so proudly applied to themselves by the members of the forest service, such as ‘scientific’, ‘modern’, ‘organized’, and so on, are in the eyes of these social historians and environmentalists, so many pejoratives. Other prominent writers in the same vein include Sharachchhandra Lele, who started off as a straight physical-organic researcher but metamorphosed into yet another social environmentalist (see the recent volume Democratizing Forest Governance in India, Lele and Menon, eds., 2014). There are numerous other authors whose names will be familiar to the reader, and need not be listed out here. Suffice it to say that thanks to this sustained campaign, the top-down ‘colonial’ strategy of forest conservation has been judged a failure, and the alternate bottom-up approach has been given constitutional status through the Recognition of Forest Rights Act (ROFR) 2006 which passes the power to legalize individual occupation and collective rights in notified forest to the general body of the village, the gram sabha.



A pdf of the entire article is available at https://www.academia.edu/24965216/Modernizing_the_Indian_Forest_Service_from_command_to_collaboration

This line of thinking is not restricted to a group of Indian environmentalists alone, as the general approach in world bodies like the UN and FAO has also veered round to the ‘empowerment’ paradigm in place of the old ‘command and control’ regime. Just to give one example: the Rio conference of 1992 (United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, UNCED, Rio de Janeiro, 3-14 June 1992) brought out the “non-legally binding authoritative statement of principles for a global consensus on the management, conservation and sustainable development of all types of forest” or Annexure III (available at http://www.un.org/documents/ga/conf151/aconf15126-3annex3.htm). These “Forest Principles” emphasize the need to examine forestry issues in a “holistic and balanced manner … taking into consideration the multiple functions and uses of forests, including traditional uses, and the likely economic and social stress when these uses are constrained or restricted…” (Preamble (c)). Forests should be “sustainably managed to meet the social, economic, ecological, cultural and spiritual needs of present and future generations…” (Clause 1b). “Governments should promote and provide opportunities for the participation of interested parties, including local communities and indigenous people, industries, labour, non-governmental organizations and individuals, forest dwellers and women, in the development, implementation and planning of forest policies” (Clause 1d).

“National forest policies should recognize and duly support the identity, culture and the rights of indigenous people, their communities and other communities and forest dwellers.  Appropriate conditions should be promoted for these groups to enable them to have an economic stake in forest use, perform economic activities, and achieve and maintain cultural identity and social organization, as well as adequate levels of livelihood and well-being, through, inter alia, those land tenure arrangements which serve as incentives for the sustainable management of forests” (Clause 5a).
“The full participation of women in all aspects of the management, conservation and sustainable development of forests should be actively promoted” (Clause 5b).

And so on. These forest principles are carried forward by inter-governmental forums, such as the UN Forum on Forests (UNFF), that “works closely with representatives of major group networks and organizations who function as focal points to facilitate their participation in the multi-stakeholder dialogues of the UNFF….that have specialized interest and expertise in forest related issues—such as associations of forest-products related businesses, organizations of young people who are students of forest management, or trade unions from the forest products related sectors” (UNFF webpage, http://www.unngls.org/index.php/engage-with-the-un/un-civil-society-contact-points/137-united-nations-forum-on-forests-unff).

Participants at the 11th session of the UNFF (5 to 15 May 2015) were being urged to “strengthen the global political commitment to sustainably manage one of the planet's most cherished resources…” According to the report on the World Agroforestry website (http://worldagroforestry.org/newsroom/media_coverage/un-forum-forests-calls-bold-action-and-international-cooperation), Jan Eliasson, Deputy Secretary-General of the United Nations, said as he opened the session that "(T)he sustainable management of forests - in partnership with those who live in the forest regions - will be critical for meeting our ambition to eradicate poverty," and “stressed the need for the forest sector to be integrated in the sustainable development agenda at local, national, regional and international levels, with the broad participation of indigenous and local communities, and civil society groups, which possessed forest-related knowledge. In particular, he highlighted how women’s role in forests must be recognized and their participation in decision-making ensured” (ibid.).

It is, therefore, abundantly clear that the concept of sustainable forestry has moved far beyond the narrow sustained yield (of timber) of the mid-nineteenth century. A paper by Phil Janik (undated, but post-2012), Chief Operating Officer, USDA-Forest Service, has a useful chronology of these international declarations, and the US Forest Service response, although what is intriguing and interesting in this document is a “Preface” that states that Agenda 21 principles aim at the “redistribution of wealth” (to India and China), which is “contrary to the interests of the American people” and that its “consequences will be devastating to our national sovereignty, security, prosperity, and self-reliance”.

In many ways, the international opinion is reflected in the changes that have occurred in India’s own declared national forest policy (see Sarin, 2014, for the social environmentalist account of these). Most often, the forest service is made an independent villain of the scene, as it is assumed that it has actively worked to stifle dissent and consolidate its hold on its ‘territory’ (this a sizeable 20% of the land area).

Given this situation, the forest services may need to respond in some positive, constructionist, and synergistic fashion rather than adopting either an affronted silence, or reacting aggressively in a knee-jerk manner. Being a government service, there are definite limits on the types of response that the serving members themselves can adopt; since they are explicitly barred from using the press and media to “vindicate” their actions, they usually adopt a stoic silence to the barbs (Lele misinterprets this as the service having “closed ranks” against democratization and the FRA, and having “abandoned any constructive engagement with these questions”, see Lele & Menon, 2014, p.403).

Increasing scientific content and specialization in the forest service

A second demand made on the forest service is that it increase the scientific content of its activities. After all, the initial design of the superior forest services (set up in the British colonial era) was that the candidates should be graduates in science subjects. One form this expectation could take is that more scientific research goes into the silviculture and management decisions on the ground. Related to improving the scientific basis of forest operations is the recommendation that there be more specialization in the forest service.  This has been urged, for example, in the last National Forest Commission report (Government of India, 2006, p.255), where it was recommended that separate cadres be formed for each of the following subject streams: forest management, social forestry, wildlife, and research.

Forest officers have always been strongly against such a move to split up the service, which they have seen as leading to its fragmentation and weakening its effectiveness in the field. A DG Forests who was one of the co-authors of the Forest Commission report has indeed recorded a dissent note in no uncertain terms (Forest Commission Report, p.420). Long back, a forester from Bihar who was a well known wildlifer, S.P.Shahi, had written against splitting of the service (Shahi, 1977, reproduced in Thapar, 2001, 2006). In recent years, wildlife activists like Valmik Thapar have put pressure for the formation of a separate wildlife service. This has been again resisted by the forest service, which may even have a lingering suspicion that such moves are intended to break up the service and weaken it, thereby giving the wildlife and tourism lobbies an easier entry into positions of authority in the wildlife wing (especially when it is bolstered by the general rhetoric of the New Public Administration style, involving lateral entry of freelancers from the ‘civil society’ to the top positions in the ministries). The wildlifer lobby, in turn, has fallen back on demanding that if not a full-fledged Wildlife Service, at least only wildlife-trained persons be posted in national parks, and that wildlife researchers should be given a free run of the protected areas. Forest officers have been a bit leery of this last demand, seeing it as an unnecessary interference, and suspect that researchers sometimes pursue their subjects too intrusively (Sankhala, 2008, p.151).  

A third, related but fairly distinct, expectation is that members of the forest service be more  productive in terms of peer-reviewed publications. A prominent social environmentalist (I think Lele, but have been unable to trace the reference) commiserates with the forester who is able, at best, to produce some “semi-academic” writing. A much stronger attack is made by Ramachandra Guha (2012: p.5), where he upbraids the service for having failed to produce a single forester who “has made any kind of name or impact in the international community of scientists” in the hundred and more years of forestry research under state auspices. Other successful academics also frequently hold this up as a vindication of their loss of faith in the service: one prominent climate change specialist does not neglect to point out how he, as a lone researcher, has produced 300 papers on forests and climate change, whereas 300 so-called scientists  in the forest research institutes of the country have failed to produce even one such paper.

Source of forest service personnel

Another issue (the fourth so far) is the question of how foresters are recruited, and trained. Many years ago, this author had attended an FAO workshop at Santiago de Chile on forest education; the burden of that was that all over the world, forest services drew their personnel from amongst forestry degree holders, whereas India seemed to be the odd man out by sticking to the old colonial practice of  allowing graduates of all sorts of disciplines (but only from the science stream) to compete in the recruitment examinations. This is true even today, and is applicable as well to the subordinate levels like the Range Forest Officers (RFOs) and even Foresters. Whichever way it is looked at, the service is not ready to restrict candidates to the forestry degree holders, and in fact there was a certain unease at the disproportionate number of forestry graduates who were getting into the IFS in the past few years (there were insinuations that the optional forestry papers were being marked too liberally). A couple of years back, there was a consultation by the central minister for environment and forests about the proposal of opening out the IFS recruitment to non-science people as well; as this author remembers it, the service members were almost unanimous that it should not be done. The one small concession made was to recommend the post-graduate diploma of the Indian Institute of Forest Management (IIFM), Bhopal as a valid qualification for entering the competitive process. Another (and, for the forest service, a revolutionary) change was to put the IFS candidates through the same ‘preliminary’ test as the rest of the All-India Services and the Central Services, rather than have a completely independent series of examinations. This may have removed some of the unintended advantage to forestry graduates: if they were not as good as the rest, they would be screened out at the initial prelims. However, there is a residual concern that the general run of candidates passing through the prelims might not have forestry as a high priority, and may drop out later, leaving empty slots in each year’s cohorts. One would have to look at the actual numbers to judge this.

On the other hand, if the recruitment process is resulting in too many physical science and technology graduates entering, this may be a reason why critics like Valmik Thapar (Thapar, 2015) and others find a lack of commitment to conservation and a general lack of liveliness in the forest services (in comparison to, presumably, biology candidates). However, there is no guarantee that a biology graduate would necessarily be passionate about natural history and nature conservation, as they may have been conditioned by their training to favour the commercial or technological aspects of biological organisms (much as foresters tend to be partial to the business of forestry).

One possible explanation for the lack of bonhomie between civil society and government officials (‘babu-dom’)  is that apart from the stodginess and built-in inhibitions to open communication that characterize bureaucracies everywhere, there may also be a cultural factor operating here. The recruits to the services come from diverse regions and strata of society, with very middle class values and funny accents. On the other hand, the natural history writers and broadcasters may be over-representative of English-educated, urban, upper-crust people with independent sources of finance.

The barriers to open communication alluded to are diverse: being basically graduates from the science stream, the IFS officers (and the subordinate levels too, for that matter) tend to talk in terms of physical realities, and are not very conscious of socio-economic undercurrents, least of all the leftist and post-modernist jargon favoured by social environmentalists. The official etiquette, the primacy of the politician (and the IAS cadre), and the constant public exposure require the officer to maintain a poker face under all circumstances and exercise extreme circumspection in expressing personal views; any falling out of line or exhibition of uncalled-for initiative or originality calls forth a reprimand, countermand or side-lining to ‘punishment’ postings, especially if the officer tries to be academic or show erudition.

On the other hand, this also makes the forest department eminently down-to-earth and practical, and rather effective in implementation in the field; the general tenor being that there is nothing that the Range Officer cannot pull off even with very with little advance notice and meager government resources.

However, it is in the choice of what to do (rather than how to do it) that the service falls foul of intelligent and learned academics and NGOs. Valmik Thapar, in fact, is so disenchanted that he recommends that a new service should be set up for wildlife conservation, winding up the Indian Forest Service and reverting to the State Forest Services pattern. He prefers local persons instead of sending officers across states as per the All-India Service rules, for instance south Indians to Rajasthan (Thapar, 2015, p.41), and so on.


In the following sections, these issues (and others that may crop up on the way) will be explored in more depth.



A pdf of the entire article is available at https://www.academia.edu/24965216/Modernizing_the_Indian_Forest_Service_from_command_to_collaboration

This article, as all others on this site, is the intellectual property of the author, P.J.Dilip Kumar (IFS, Retired). You are welcome to reproduce it with due acknowledgement. Suggested citation is as follows:

Dilip Kumar, P.J. 2016. “TITLE”. Forest Matters, Nos. xx-xx (Month & Year). Available at: www.forestmatters.in or www.forestmatters.blogspot.in

References

Gadgil, Madhav and Ramachandra Guha.1992. This Fissured Land. An Ecological History of India. Oxford University Press, New Delhi.
Government of India. 2006. Report of the National Forest Commission. Ministry of Environment & Forests, New Delhi.
Guha, Ramachandra. 2012. The Past and Future of Indian Forestry. Chapter I in Deeper Roots of Historical Injustice: Trends and Challenges in the Forests of India. Published by Rights and Resources Initiative, Washington, D.C. Available at www.rightsandresources.org/documents/files/doc_5589.pdf

Janik, Phil. USDA-Forest Service’s Commitment and Approach to Forest Sustainability. Submitted to the Society of American Foresters. Available at http://www.defendruralamerica.com/files/ForestSustainability.pdf

Lele, Sharachchhandra and Ajit Menon. (Eds.). 2014. Democratizing Forest Governance in India. Oxford University Press India, New Delhi.
Sankhala, Kailash. 2008. Sankhala’s India. Lest We Forget. Edited by Bittu Sahgal, published posthumously by Sanctuary Asia, Mumbai.

Sarin, Madhu. 2014. Undoing Historical Injustice: Reclaiming Citizenship Rights And Democratic Forest Governance through the Forest Rights Act. Chapter 3, in Lele and Menon (Eds.), 2014.
Shahi, S.P. 1977 (2001). Battling for Wildlife in Bihar. Excerpts from Backs to the Wall: Saga of Wildlife in Bihar, India (Affiliated East-West Press, Delhi, 1977). In Valmik Thapar (Ed.), 2001, 2006. Saving Wild Tigers, 1900-2000. The Essential Writings. Pp.205-224. Permanent Black, New Delhi.
Thapar, Valmik. 2015. Saving Wild India. A Blueprint for Change. Aleph Book Company, New Delhi.
 UNCED. 1992. Non-Legally Binding Authoritative Statement Of Principles            For A Global Consensus On The Management, Conservation And Sustainable Development Of All Types Of Forests. Annex III. United Nations Conference On Environment And Development. Rio de Janeiro, 3-14 June 1992. Available at http://www.un.org/documents/ga/conf151/aconf15126-3annex3.htm